L S & T (403 – 417) Peaceful Natives?

403.  It is within the carnal nature of humans to seek what they want.

404.  Historically, if the degree of human covetousness was powerful enough for those who coveted to take from those who possessed, the result was determined by the comparative might or cunning of the two antagonists.

405.  The Persians … the Babylonians …the Mongols … the Greeks … the Celts … the Muslims … the Romans … the Egyptians … the Turks … the North American Indian tribes … the Aztecs … the Incas … the African kings … the Ming Dynasties …….. and … yes … the Western Europeans …….. all took what land … and people … they wanted …… if they were able to do so.

406.  Quite a few other historical entities qualify for the previous list, but, with levity, I trust they shan’t be offended by their omission.

407.  It is my persuasion that only lack of true information would permit acceptance of the charge of evil Europeans attacking the peaceful inhabitants of North America.

408.  Regardless of historical records, the deceivers now cast the European Anglos as the sole villains on the mental stages of those whom they seek to indoctrinate. As bad as some of their behaviors were, the Europeans were only acting as mankind had done for millennia.

409.  The portrayal of the “peaceful” inhabitants is itself a historical fabrication. The evidence of inter tribal conflicts and barbaric slaughters among the Native Americans abounds. For brevity, only a few examples are offered.

410.  The Mohawk were commonly at war with the Algonquin, Wabanaki and Mohican tribes.

411.  The Iroquois had apparently long engaged in ongoing conflict with the Huron, because their trade for guns from the Dutch allowed them to scatter the Huron to a point nearing extinction.

412.  The Comanche almost annihilated the Tonkawa in Texas over Buffalo grazing land.

413.  One Harvard researcher expressed the results of his inquiries into Native American tranquility in this manner, “The dogs of war were seldom on leash”. This is not offered as an example. I have taken it to be an educated opinion.

414.  Any suggestion that guilt should be imposed on today’s descendants of the tribes named above would be ridiculous.

415.  My personal persuasion is that anyone seeking to foment resentments and hatreds  toward these and or any of those in the list in #405 is either an indoctrinated person lacking in information or an instrument of the father of lies, the one who would deceive.

416.  The essence of  #391 – #413 is that a truly informed person could have several responses to those who seek to inflame emotions by casting eternal shame upon the Anglos who landed on the east coast of North America in the 1600s.

417.  One response might be as simple as:

“If your condemnation of the people who founded America is so paramount, why should I not declare my hatred for the descendants of all races and cultures?”.

 

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L S & T (391 – 402) US/White Invaders

391. I have long sought the promotion of Christian love among people. There has also been a much older divisive spirit actively seeking to destroy that love in this country.

392. There are,what I claim in my own heart, friends who are on opposite sides of the various divisions.

393. The only remaining way that I have to combat that divisiveness is in sharing a series of truths for those friends to consider.

394. It is hoped that all truths can be taken one at a time, without the popular emotional responses of, “but look at this… look at that..

395. It is important to hold fast to the conviction that truths of the past are instructive to the decisions of today, and the decisions of today determine results in the future.

396. As this is being shared in the year 2019, I am strongly persuaded that the omission and twisting of truths, and the significance thereof, has contributed to the state of conflict from which our country now suffers.

397. Failure to impart more complete and truthful information has resulted in a populace that, while believing itself to be “educated”, is actually more susceptible to emotional manipulation that is directed toward societal divisiveness.

398. We note one popular weapon of division used on the minds of Americans is the illumination of the evil (note use of an adjective) deeds of the white (adjective #2) European (third adjective) invaders who founded America.

399. There is some truth in that statement.. By the English language definition of the word, they were invaders ….

400. However, those who inform us seem to have deemed it unnecessary to share the historical prevalence of that evil behavior among all cultures, races and nations.

401. As far as many people of our day know, those Europeans were history’s most egregious practitioners of such actions as they invaded the lands of the peaceful indigenous occupants.

402. With such a limited understanding of truthful history, it would be easy to convince many that anything attributed to those invaders would thereafter be tainted by evil.

(Topic to be continued)

 

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L S & T (369 – 390) Communism, Details

369. Considering the threat to America that was noted in #357, the words of Thomas Jefferson are becoming an ominous prophecy:

“A nation that expects to be ignorant (lacking information) and free, in a state of society, expects what never was and never will be”.

370. The communist intention to destroy our form of government and culture was known in the 1870s, and Marx himself had made his efforts in New York City.

371. Since that time, our educational systems should have been informing our people in the area of philosophical and political threats to our constitution. Unfortunately, they have not even taught our constitution’s unique structure.

372. I am persuaded that our country would now be united against the threats of communism and its variations if the information presented in #353 through #390 had been taught beginning in the 1870s. The following items are extensions of that hidden knowledge.

373. Friedrich Engels’ 1847 declaration of The Principles of Communism specifically targeted England, America, France and Germany in the objective of spreading communism to all civilized countries.

374. In his treatise, Engels writes of the “bourgeoisie” who were the people who owned property and employed workers. The employees were called the “proletariat”.

375. The Principles tell us that the communists’ general approach in any country would be, “Above all, it will establish a democratic constitution, and through this, the direct or indirect dominance of the proletariat”.

376. From Principle 25, we learn ….“In America, where a democratic constitution has already been established, the communists must make a common cause with the party which will turn this constitution against the bourgeoisie.”

377. Even though Engels had a gross misunderstanding of our constitution, it was our own ignorance that has allowed massive contortions of the document. This ignorance has persisted for so long that the general public, and even presidents, have been conditioned to exclaim that we have a “democratic” constitution.

378. Democracy itself would be useless if not directed against the property of the bourgeoisie and used for the “ensurance of the lively hood of the proletariat”.

379. Engels identified three types of socialism: bourgeoisie socialism… reactionary socialism…. and democratic socialism.

380. Engels stated that, where socialism is practiced, communists will have to come to an understanding with socialists as far as they can follow a common policy, with democratic socialists being the most useful.

381. The abolition of private property is declared to be the characterization of “the revolution.”

382. Private property will not be abolished in one stroke, but will be accomplished gradually.

383. Two practices that communists propose to reduce private property are progressive taxation (personal income taxes, Amendment XVI, 1913) and heavy inheritance taxes (currently favored by one major political party and opposed by the other).

385. As the communist society eliminates private property, removes the dependence of the woman upon the man and the dependence of children upon the parents, the relations between the sexes becomes a purely private matter between the persons involved

386. The communist philosophy intends for nationalities to disappear as the principle of community compels them to mingle with each other.

387. Another goal of Engels’ communism is to bring about the disappearance of religion.

388. Other objectives shared by Engels:

a. National control of money and credit (The Fed, 1913)

b. Construction of communal dwellings of associated groups at national cost (HUD, 1965)

c. Education of all children, from the time they can leave their mother’s care at national cost (Current proposal within one major political party)

389. Engels acknowledged that it would be impossible to carry out all measures at once, but believed one will always be followed by others.

390. Finally,  the formulators of communism would prefer peaceful transitions, but would support the proletariat with deeds as well as words, if necessary. History is a witness to the exercise of those “deeds” in our own hemisphere in Cuba, Central America and South America.

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L S & T (353 – 368) Communist History/USA

353. At this particular point in history, the wisdom of God’s warning to the prophet Hosea remains relevant: “My people are destroyed for lack of knowledge…”.

354. A clear and present danger to our country was originally shared some time ago in the form of LS&T # 46 – #75. While avoiding repetition of all those items, revisiting some, and  expanding  historical context should serve to enhance understanding.

355. Those who would seek power over Americans today are currently unable to accomplish their objective by use of force without risk of mutual destruction.

356 Absent that option of violence, the modern path to domination has been directed at the emotions of indoctrinated masses.

357. For the past 200 plus years elements of communism, socialism, fascism and democracy have all been employed to achieve that indoctrination. Those efforts have always… always… resulted in more and more centralized control over the normal course of events in the lives of the populace.

358. The utopian dream of “all things” needed or desired being fairly distributed by a controlling entity is an intoxicating lure to those who can be influenced to believe themselves to be victims of others who “have more”.

359. Thoughts of communal sharing have been around for many centuries. However, it was Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels who formulated a plan of government designed for equal sharing of property among the world’s societies. The plan was described by Engels as the Principles of Communism in 1847.

360. Even though our country had existed under its constitution for less than 60 years, Engels considered the USA a threat to their plans. He specifically described the methods to achieve our defeat as well as those of the thousand year old European countries.

361. The steady growth of that promised land philosophy began in Russia and spread to what became known as the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics

362. The first conclave to train international leaders in the spreading of communism was convened in 1864 and was sparsely attended.

363. The Hague was the site of a second international communist orginazing meeting in 1872. Disputes arose over who was to be the director of implementing the plan, and Marx moved his efforts to New York City.

364. Americans of the 1870s did not look favorably upon the ideals of communism, and Marx returned to Europe. But the seed had been dropped, and “socialist” organizations began to be developed with emphasis on “class struggle” as an effective tool for indoctrination.

365. By 1936, the meetings and their organization had been named the Communist International, or Comintern, and Americans comprised about half of the 6000 attendees.

366. Ho Chi Minh (Vietnam), Pol Pot (Cambodia) and Mao Zedong (China) received their training through the Comintern. Those leaders and Russia’s Lennin and Stalin eventually killed or imprisoned millions upon millions of their own people to establish and maintain their “utopian” dreams…… None of their governments were identical. Their appeals of equality and security were just paths to power.

367. A time line sketch may be helpful:

a. 1840s – Principles of Communism

b.1860s – International efforts to spread communism

c. 1870s – Communist theory unpopular in USA

d. 1910s – Communists rule by violence in Russia

e 1930s – Americans represent about half of the attendees at the Comintern

f. 1920s and forward – People warned, and continued warning, of communist sympathizer infiltration of American institutions. Those who understood the danger were labled “alarmists”, deserving of criticisim, ridicule and lampooning. The presence of the elephant in the room continues to be denied, even when it has become self evident.

g. 1960s – African students attending American universities returned home, grounded in Marxist theory. Lure of the benign and compassionate features of the philosophy found strong approval among a significant number of Catholic clergy in Central and South America.

h. 1980s – The presence and acceptance of Marxist university professors became so well known that a future president of the US freely published his desire for their association.

368. Considering this background, Americans really need to understand the specifics of the threat to their country.

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L S & T (341 – 352) Ignorance/Dangers

341. My children and friends, there was a purpose for sharing the earlier items documenting the truthful and emphatic racist opinions of Abraham Lincoln. Once upon a time, I believed he was among the most admirable of all presidents. That’s what I was taught. I had no reason to think otherwise. Upon discovering my ignorance (lack of information) regarding that man, many other “failings” of my “educational” experience began to tumble out of the darkness of omissions and manipulations.

342. As a preface for what is yet to be shared …. it is my most humble supplication to God, the father of Christ Jesus, ….. that those insights will be received by a spirit willing to seek truth.

343. The following opinions are tendered for your earnest consideration.

344. We are born knowing nothing… knowledge is limited to what we see, hear or personally experience… Our actions are governed by our knowledge and our emotions…… Old Bill

345. What is available to be known about history tells us that tyrannical lusts of mankind have always depended upon controlling the knowledge and emotions of those they seek to subjugate….. Old Bill

346. Education of children can be the most valuable or most destructive foundation of any society…… Old Bill

347. Who controls education controls the society… Old Bill

348. “Train up a child in the way he should go, and when he is old he will not depart from it.”…. Solomon, Prov 22:6

349. “Education of all children, from the moment they can leave their mother’s care, in national establishments at national cost…” ….Frederick Engels, The Principles of Communism

350. “We must do away with the archaic notion that education begins at four or five years old.”…. Bernie Sanders

351. $70B to make public colleges & universities tuition-free: “This is revolutionary for education in America.”….. Bernie Sanders

352. “Who controls the past, controls the future; who controls the present, controls the past” …. George Orwell, 1984

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L S & T (307 – 340) Bare Bones of Faith

With a slight bit of pressing concern, this sharing is done with the current number of grands and great grands (17) in mind. That is, for their consideration upon reaching an appropriate age.

  1. All who are capable of doing so will eventually form some kind of opinion concerning the unprovabl existence of a superior rationality in the universe, even if it is denial. Perhaps everyone would profit by organizing their own resolution of that matter.
  1. Herein is shared a testament of the “bare bones” of Old Bill’s personal belief.

 

  1. God is !
  2. God is an entity that transcends time and space as they are understood by humans.
  3. God possesses an omnipotent, omniscient omnipresence that is to the things of our known universe as the salt water of our oceans is to the creatures therein.
  4. Humans possess a consciousness which bears some minute similarity to that of God.
  5. The essence of God consists of three expressions, the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit. This might be understood loosely as how we see the combination of atoms comprising water. Even though we cannot see the atoms with our eyes, they are visible to us in the forms of water, ice and clouds. They are all “water”.
  6. The man we call Jesus of Nazareth was God on this planet, and the uniting of our consciousness with that of God depends upon what we do with that Jesus.
  7. It is recorded that God’s ways and understanding are as high above ours as the heavens above the earth.
  8. God must reason with us in a manner that is within the scope of our understanding at that particular time in history (called divine accommodation).
  9. We must reason with each other by revealing our thoughts in the form of expressions we call words that are spoken, written or demonstrated.
  10. The man we call “Jesus” in the English language taught and demonstrated the perfection of God in human flesh. The audible expressions of his name would obviously vary in other languages. Be not concerned… God is multilingual.
  11. Jesus has therefore been called the Word of God.

Why Would God Intend For Jesus To Die?:
321. God has chosen to test humans by their degree of belief in him through things they do not actually see.

  1. Normal human instinct and love would suggest giving one’s own life to prevent the death of his or her own child.
  2. Further, no one with normal instincts would ask their child to suffer merciless beating and go to certain death for the sake of other people.
  3. If humans will not receive the depth of love involved in such a sacrifice (His love is greater than the strongest human love), then nothing will reach their understanding.
  4. Hence: John 3:16 removes all human failings as impediments to the union of man and God.

The Man Who Faced The Ordeal
326. The man, Jesus, was the consciousness of God arriving on the stage of history in a tent of human flesh.

  1. His arrival had been prophesied and foreshadowed for thousands of years.
  2. He was subject to love, grief, joy, sadness, hunger, thirst, pain and all other human conditions and feelings.
  3. Repeating that he was the Word of God , he taught and demonstrated the perfection of God.
  4. In spite of #328, Jesus resisted not the evil of undeserved pain and death because his purpose was to provide the Romans 10:9-10 path to that union with God.

Logical Reasoning For Christian Belief

  1. The “startling alternatives” expressed by C.S. Lewis and expounded by Dr. Eugene Scott provide a logical person with a basis for belief in something that cannot be currently witnessed.
  2. That is, the reported words of Jesus forces one to choose whether he was a fraud, mentally deranged, or who he said he was….. the Son of God….. representing the only way to an eternal existence with God.
  3. The disciples who received this teaching and witnessed the miracles obviously remained less than convinced because they feared for their own safety when they saw Jesus captured, beaten and crucified.
  4. A sudden cataclysmic change in their behavior, which the disciples claimed to be the result of witnessing the risen Christ, led to their willingness to suffer horrible lonely deaths because they preached Jesus’ resurrection and teachings in far flung regions of the world that were within their reach.
  5. Here again, as did Jesus, we see the willingness to submit to the ultimate sacrifice as proof of incontrovertible belief.

The Rock… (This differs significantly from accepted theology)

336.The faith of all Christians will be subject to the challenges of human imperfections, natural calamities, spiritual oppression and atheistic attacks involving scriptural records. These last may be related to that divine accommodation, allegorical expressions or conflicts in the reporting of peripheral events.

  1. Among the metaphorical hurdles in #336 and the various doctrines and rituals that have been established by man, there stands a rock which remains eternally solid.
  2. It is written that Jesus asked, ” Whom say you that I am?”, and Peter replied, “You are the Christ, the Son of the living God ” to which Jesus responded, “…flesh and blood has not revealed it unto you, but my Father which is in heaven…you are Peter, and upon this rock (I am persuaded that the truth of the statement of Peter was to be the rock, not a man) I will build my church” (The church is Jesus’ body of believers, not a building or an organization ).
  3. It is this belief, confirmed through a sincere expression of Romans 10: 9-10, that furnishes the foundation from which can be initiated a continually developing relationship with God.
  4. This current state of existence is not a perfect land. It is more like a testing ground with all the pitfalls of life as well as contentions with a spiritual adversary. Complete understanding is beyond us until “we will know as we are known”.

 

 

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L S & T (301 – 306) Lincoln/Documentation

301.   As promised in #281, the following is documentation related to #284 – #297.

302.    From:   National Park Service Lincoln Home

                                Forth Lincoln Douglas Debate

September 18, 1858

Mr. Lincoln’s Speech

Mr. Lincoln took the stand at a quarter before three, and was greeted with vociferous and protracted applause; after which, he said:

LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: It will be very difficult for an audience so large as this to hear distinctly what a speaker says, and consequently it is important that as profound silence be preserved as possible.

While I was at the hotel to-day, an elderly gentleman called upon me to know whether I was really in favor of producing a perfect equality between the negroes and white people. [Great Laughter.] While I had not proposed to myself on this occasion to say much on that subject, yet as the question was asked me I thought I would occupy perhaps five minutes in saying something in regard to it. I will say then that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races, [applause]-that I am not nor ever have been in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people; and I will say in addition to this that there is a physical difference between the white and black races which I believe will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality. And inasmuch as they cannot so live, while they do remain together there must be the position of superior and inferior, and I as much as any other man am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white race. I say upon this occasion I do not perceive that because the white man is to have the superior position the negro should be denied every thing. I do not understand that because I do not want a negro woman for a slave I must necessarily want her for a wife. [Cheers and laughter.] My understanding is that I can just let her alone. I am now in my fiftieth year, and I certainly never have had a black woman for either a slave or a wife. So it seems to me quite possible for us to get along without making either slaves or wives of negroes. I will add to this that I have never seen, to my knowledge, a man, woman or child who was in favor of producing a perfect equality, social and political, between negroes and white men. I recollect of but one distinguished instance that I ever heard of so frequently as to be entirely satisfied of its correctness-and that is the case of Judge Douglas’s old friend Col. Richard M. Johnson. [Laughter.] I will also add to the remarks I have made (for I am not going to enter at large upon this subject,) that I have never had the least apprehension that I or my friends would marry negroes if there was no law to keep them from it, [laughter] but as Judge Douglas and his friends seem to be in great apprehension that they might, if there were no law to keep them from it, [roars of laughter] I give him the most solemn pledge that I will to the very last stand by the law of this State, which forbids the marrying of white people with negroes. [Continued laughter and applause.] I will add one further word, which is this: that I do not understand that there is any place where an alteration of the social and political relations of the negro and the white man can be made except in the State Legislature-not in the Congress of the United States-and as I do not really apprehend the approach of any such thing myself, and as Judge Douglas seems to be in constant horror that some such danger is rapidly approaching, I propose as the best means to prevent it that the Judge be kept at home and placed in the State Legislature to fight the measure. [Uproarious laughter and applause.] I do not propose dwelling longer at this time on this subject……..

(Lincoln responds to remarks made by Douglas):

Judge Douglas has said to you that he has not been able to get from me an answer to the question whether I am in favor of negro citizenship. So far as I know, the Judge never asked me the question before. [Applause.] He shall have no occasion to ever ask it again, for I tell him very frankly that I am not in favor of negro citizenship. [Renewed applause.] This furnishes me an occasion for saying a few words upon the subject. I mentioned in a certain speech of mine which has been printed, that the Supreme Court had decided that a negro could not possibly be made a citizen, and without saying what was my ground of complaint in regard to that, or whether I had any ground of complaint, Judge Douglas has from that thing manufactured nearly every thing that he ever says about my disposition to produce an equality between the negroes and the white people. If any one will read my speech, he will find I mentioned that as one of the points decided in the course of the Supreme Court opinions, but I did not state what objection I had to it. But Judge Douglas tells the people what my objection was when I did not tell them myself. Now my opinion is that the different States have the power to make a negro a citizen under the Constitution of the United States if they choose. The Dred Scott decision decides that they have not that power. If the State of Illinois had that power I should be opposed to the exercise of it. [Cries of “good,” “good,” and applause.] That is all I have to say about it.

303.    From:   Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln Vol. 5

Address on Colonization to a Deputation of Negroes [1]

August 14, 1862

This afternoon the President of the United States gave audience to a Committee of colored men at the White House. They were introduced Page  371 by the Rev. J. Mitchell, Commissioner of Emigration. E. M. Thomas, the Chairman, remarked that they were there by invitation to hear what the Executive had to say to them. Having all been seated, the President, after a few preliminary observations, informed them that a sum of money had been appropriated by Congress, and placed at his disposition for the purpose of aiding the colonization in some country of the people, or a portion of them, of African descent, thereby making it his duty, as it had for a long time been his inclination, to favor that cause; and why, he asked, should the people of your race be colonized, and where? Why should they leave this country? This is, perhaps, the first question for proper consideration. You and we are different races. We have between us a broader difference than exists between almost any other two races. Whether it is right or wrong I need not discuss, but this physical difference is a great disadvantage to us both, as I think your race suffer very greatly, many of them by living among us, while ours suffer from your presence. In a word we suffer on each side. If this is admitted, it affords a reason at least why we should be separated. You here are freemen I suppose.

A VOICE: Yes, sir.

The President—Perhaps you have long been free, or all your lives. Your race are suffering, in my judgment, the greatest wrong inflicted on any people. But even when you cease to be slaves, you are yet far removed from being placed on an equality with the white race. You are cut off from many of the advantages which the other race enjoy. The aspiration of men is to enjoy equality with the best when free, but on this broad continent, not a single man of your race is made the equal of a single man of ours. Go where you are treated the best, and the ban is still upon you.

I do not propose to discuss this, but to present it as a fact with which we have to deal. I cannot alter it if I would. It is a fact, about which we all think and feel alike, I and you. We look to our condition, owing to the existence of the two races on this continent. I need not recount to you the effects upon white men, growing out of the institution of Slavery. I believe in its general evil effects on the white race. See our present condition—the country engaged in war!—our white men cutting one another’s throats, none knowing how far it will extend; and then consider what we know to be the truth. But for your race among us there could not be war, although many men engaged on either side do not care for you one way or the other. Nevertheless, I repeat, without the institution of Slavery and the colored race as a basis, the war could not have an existence.

It is better for us both, therefore, to be separated. I know that there are free men among you, who even if they could better their condition are not as much inclined to go out of the country as those, who being slaves could obtain their freedom on this condition. I suppose one of the principal difficulties in the way of colonization is that the free colored man cannot see that his comfort would be advanced by it. You may believe you can live in Washington or elsewhere in the United States the remainder of your life [as easily], perhaps more so than you can in any foreign country, and hence you may come to the conclusion that you have nothing to do with the idea of going to a foreign country. This is (I speak in no unkind sense) an extremely selfish view of the case.

But you ought to do something to help those who are not so fortunate as yourselves. There is an unwillingness on the part of our people, harsh as it may be, for you free colored people to remain with us. Now, if you could give a start to white people, you would open a wide door for many to be made free. If we deal with those who are not free at the beginning, and whose intellects are clouded by Slavery, we have very poor materials to start with. If intelligent colored men, such as are before me, would move in this matter, much might be accomplished. It is exceedingly important that Page  373 we have men at the beginning capable of thinking as white men, and not those who have been systematically oppressed.

There is much to encourage you. For the sake of your race you should sacrifice something of your present comfort for the purpose of being as grand in that respect as the white people. It is a cheering thought throughout life that something can be done to ameliorate the condition of those who have been subject to the hard usage of the world. It is difficult to make a man miserable while he feels he is worthy of himself, and claims kindred to the great God who made him. In the American Revolutionary war sacrifices were made by men engaged in it; but they were cheered by the future. Gen. Washington himself endured greater physical hardships than if he had remained a British subject. Yet he was a happy man, because he was engaged in benefiting his race—something for the children of his neighbors, having none of his own.

The colony of Liberia has been in existence a long time. In a certain sense it is a success. The old President of Liberia, Roberts, has just been with me—the first time I ever saw him. He says they have within the bounds of that colony between 300,000 and 400,000 people, or more than in some of our old States, such as Rhode Island or Delaware, or in some of our newer States, and less than in some of our larger ones. They are not all American colonists, or their descendants. Something less than 12,000 have been sent thither from this country. Many of the original settlers have died, yet, like people elsewhere, their offspring outnumber those deceased.

The question is if the colored people are persuaded to go anywhere, why not there? One reason for an unwillingness to do so is that some of you would rather remain within reach of the country of your nativity. I do not know how much attachment you may have toward our race. It does not strike me that you have the greatest reason to love them. But still you are attached to them at all events.

The place I am thinking about having for a colony is in Central America. It is nearer to us than Liberia—not much more than one-fourth as far as Liberia, and within seven days’ run by steamers. Unlike Liberia it is on a great line of travel—it is a highway. The country is a very excellent one for any people, and with great natural resources and advantages, and especially because of the similarity of climate with your native land—thus being suited to your physical condition……….

(And Lincoln continues to promote his plan for another 700 words)

304.       From:     Abraham Lincoln Online

Executive Mansion,
Washington, August 22, 1862.

Hon. Horace Greeley:
Dear Sir.

I have just read yours of the 19th. addressed to myself through the New-York Tribune. If there be in it any statements, or assumptions of fact, which I may know to be erroneous, I do not, now and here, controvert them. If there be in it any inferences which I may believe to be falsely drawn, I do not now and here, argue against them. If there be perceptable in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I waive it in deference to an old friend, whose heart I have always supposed to be right.

As to the policy I “seem to be pursuing” as you say, I have not meant to leave any one in doubt.

I would save the Union. I would save it the shortest way under the Constitution. The sooner the national authority can be restored; the nearer the Union will be “the Union as it was.” If there be those who would not save the Union, unless they could at the same time save slavery, I do not agree with them. If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time destroy slavery, I do not agree with them. My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it, and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone I would also do that. What I do about slavery, and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save the Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union. I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts the cause, and I shall do more whenever I shall believe doing more will help the cause. I shall try to correct errors when shown to be errors; and I shall adopt new views so fast as they shall appear to be true views.

I have here stated my purpose according to my view of official duty; and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that all men every where could be free.

Yours,
A. Lincoln.

                       

 305.            From:   The Living Lincoln – Angle & Miers

Lincoln had decided weeks earlier to issue a proclamation,yet here he argued the matter as if it were an open question.

September 13, 1862

……. What good would a proclamation of emancipation from me do, especially as we are now situated? I do not want to issue a document that the whole world will see must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope’s bull against the comet! Would my word free the slaves, when I cannot even enforce the Constitution in the rebel states? Is there a single court, or magistrate, or individual that would be influenced by it there? And what reason is there to think it would have any greater effect upon the slaves than the late law of Congress, which I approved, and which offers protection and freedom to the slaves of rebel masters who come within our lines? Yet I cannot learn that that law has caused a single slave to come over to us. And suppose they could be induced by a proclamation of freedom from me to throw themselves upon us, what should we do with them? How can we feed and care for such a multitude?

306.       From:   The Avalon Project Lillian Goldman Library

                                       Yale University School Law

Emancipation Proclamation; January 1, 1863

Whereas, on the twenty-second day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a proclamation was issued by the President of the United States, containing, among other things, the following, to wit:

“That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.

“That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which the people thereof, respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall on that day be, in good faith, represented in the Congress of the United States by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State, and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States.”

Now, therefore I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, by virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-in-Chief, of the Army and Navy of the United States in time of actual armed rebellion against the authority and government of the United States, and as a fit and necessary war measure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on this first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and in accordance with my purpose so to do publicly proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days, from the day first above mentioned, order and designate as the States and parts of States wherein the people thereof respectively, are this day in rebellion against the United States, the following, to wit:

Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, (except the Parishes of St. Bernard, Plaquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James Ascension, Assumption, Terrebonne, Lafourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans, including the City of New Orleans) Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia, (except the forty-eight counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties of Berkley, Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Ann, and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth[)], and which excepted parts, are for the present, left precisely as if this proclamation were not issued.

And by virtue of the power, and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated States, and parts of States, are, and henceforward shall be free; and that the Executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons.

And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to abstain from all violence, unless in necessary self-defence; and I recommend to them that, in all cases when allowed, they labor faithfully for reasonable wages.

And I further declare and make known, that such persons of suitable condition, will be received into the armed service of the United States to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service.

And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted by the Constitution, upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind, and the gracious favor of Almighty God.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.

Done at the City of Washington, this first day of
January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight
hundred and sixty three, and of the Independence of the
United States of America the eighty-seventh.

By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN

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